Is an Environmental Friendly Technology free essay sample

G is an environmental friendly technology Introduction 4G system is a platform to provide higher bandwidth, higher data transfer rate, user-friendly, innovative security application. According to its core technologies, the paper mainly analyses some aspects and describes some explanations on its environmental friendly characteristics. Environmental friendly technology Environmental friendly technology, also known as the green technology, focuses on the new scientific and technical methods, which should be conducive to the Earth. A product or technology should be sustainable, conservation of natural resources, recycling, produce waste and pollution as little as possible, and do not hurt people, when it is considered environmental friendly. [1] 4G technology There is no uniform or unique definition of 4G so far. A general explanation is that â€Å"Fourth Generation mobile technology ( 4G ) is a set of standards for providing broadband Internet access to devices like cellphones and tablets. †[2] 4G is a set of 3G and WLAN, be able to meet all the users’ requirements for wireless service. We will write a custom essay sample on Is an Environmental Friendly Technology or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The principal difference between 4G technology and the previous standards, such as the 3G technology, is the data transfer speeds. The download speed of 4G systems can reach 100Mbps which is 2000 times faster than todays dial-up Internet, upload speed also can reach 20Mbps. [3] Up to 2011, only two official 4G mobile technologies was ordered: LTE-Advanced and WiMAX Release 2. Analysis of environmental friendly 4G is an environmental friendly technology because the unique characteristics of its some core technologies. * Higher data rates and recycling The experts forecast â€Å"the speed transmission of wireless information of 4G can reach 10Mbps to 20Mbps, even the 100Mbps, which is equivalent to about 10,000 times the transmission speed of the phone†. [4] For example, download a 500M film only 2 minutes, a 5M high-quality songs less than one second! Saving time is also a recycling. The time saved can gain more value. High speed can maximize the resources share and make full use of resources. * Full utilization of resources In the users personalized settings, the user can set up a mobile terminal, accordance with their own preferences. 6]It will be a great convenience to people’s lives. For example: watches, wallets, scarfs, eyewear, any one you can see are likely to become the 4G terminal. The characteristic also can save room and full use of resources. People maybe need only a mobile instead of books, computers, even wallet. Also the multipurpose of material is a kind of environmental friendly. * Reduce noise and reduce radiation OFDM technology is developed to reduce this frequency selective fading. Both the quality and the data rate of the communication can be improved by applying MIMO system. 7] Thus, it supplies clearer communication quality which can reduce noise and radiation. It is a great benefit for people. * Low-cost, high-performance 4G phones should be regarded as a small computer, which supports more service and applications. Instead of the phone presented, 4G phones should be more intelligent and more natural. [7] And with respect to the other technologies, 4G deployment is easier, cause the 4G not only solve the compatibility issues with 3G , but also introduces a number of advanced communication technologies, in order that the 4G can provide a very high flexibility for system operation. The production is low-cost, although it realize high-performance. Low-cost is the important point of environmental protection. Conclusion Through the discussion, that 4G is an environmental friendly technology can be concluded. The advanced technologies is the main reasons, which support better users’ experience, more convenient lives and more environmentally friendly environment. Reference: [1] Mandi Rogier. What Is Environmentally Friendly Technology? Retrieved December 9, 2012, from wiseGEEK. Web site: http://www. wisegeek. com/what-is-environmentally-friendly-technology. htm [2]  John Lister. What Is 4G Mobile Technology? Retrieved December 9,2012, from wiseGEEK. Web site: http://www. wisegeek. com/what-is-4g-mobile-technology. htm [3] 4G Retrieved December 9, 2012, from baike. Web site: http://www. baike. com/wiki/4G [4] Nick Rittenhouse, Drew Winfield. (April 9, 2011) PLASMA SILICON ANTENNAS: THE FUTURE OF MOBILE INTERNET University of Pittsburgh Swanson School of Engineering Eleventh Annual Freshman Conference. Retrieved December 9, 2012, from IEEEXplore. Web site:http://136. 142. 82. 187/eng12/history/spring2011/pdf/1298. pdf [5] Simone Frattasi, Hanane Fathi, Frank H. P Fitzek, and Ramjee Prasad. Defining 4G Technology from the User’s Perspective Retrieved December 9, 2012, from IEEEXplore. Web site: http://ieeexplore. ieee. org/stamp/stamp. jsp? tp=amp;arnumber=1580917 [6] Mohsin Jamil, Shahan Parwaiz, Shaikh Mohsin Shahzad, Qasim Awais. 4G: The Future Mobile Technology Retrieved December 9, 2012, from IEEEXplore. Web site:http://ieeexplore. ieee. org/stamp/stamp. jsp? tp=amp;arnumber=4766729 [7] Bill Krenik. ( November 3-5, 2008) 4G Wireless Technology: When will it happen? What does it offer? Retrieved December 9, 2012, from IEEEXplore. Web site:http://ieeexplore. ieee. org/stamp/stamp. jsp? tp=amp;arnumber=4708715

Filipino Voting Pattern Essays

Filipino Voting Pattern Essays Filipino Voting Pattern Essay Filipino Voting Pattern Essay THE CAMPAIGN First World techniques, Third World setting The Philippines uses state-of-the-art campaign techniques, but its elections are taking place in a political culture that is pre-modern and oriented toward the family. BY LUZ RIMBAN SATURDAY, JANUARY 3RD, 2004 | Filipino politicians use the latest campaign techniques, but still look upon voters as mendicants. | | | ADVERTISING  guru Reli German tells the story of the time he was tapped to produce commercials and jingles for then candidate Ferdinand Marcos’s 1965 presidential bid. The campaign was more of a family venture with no less than Marcos’s wife Imelda herself directing the troops. She would drop by German’s office to look over campaign materials and listen to the jingles being prepared for her husband’s campaign. â€Å"It was more of Imelda that we were dealing with directly for the campaign in 1965,† German recalls. One night Imelda summoned German and his production team to the Marcos home in San Juan, where they were led to her bedroom, which had a closet full of shoeboxes. The group, a team of professional advertising people, did not know exactly what they were doing in Imelda’s boudoir, but the mystery was soon revealed. German remembers that â€Å"she took three shoeboxes and the boxes were offered to us, and they were full of money! † With that, the campaign production team was paid, and paid handsomely. German’s story does not only provide insights on the other uses Imelda made of her shoes (or, more precisely, the boxes they had come in). : It also tells us that advertising professionals had been involved in Philippine election campaigns as far back as 1965, when radio was reaching its peak and television, just beginning to make a dent in Filipinos’ consciousness. Then and now, however, professionals like German are relegated to the background, hidden members of the campaign team who are traditionally composed of the candidate’s trusted family members. Campaign professionals, though, have actually been around longer than that. Soon after the United States introduced elections in the Philippines, the country’s former colonizer also exported to the islands U. S. -style campaigning. This included the use of the mass media to create and manipulate public images, the hiring of public relations and advertising professionals, and later, the employment of sophisticated tools like campaign research and polling. Candidates like Manuel Quezon, Ramon Magsaysay, and Ferdinand Marcos were sold to voters partly through images crafted by experts and peddled to the public through newspapers, radio, and later, television. At least in terms of elections, the Philippines is not the laggard of Asia, but perhaps the first country in the region that has mastered the use of first-world election techniques. | The first national-level Philippine elections were held in 1907. Photo shows voters reading campaign posters issued for that election. | | | But it isn’t easy applying first-world election know-how to a third-world political setting. Despite what appear to be advanced campaign methods, the Philippines is still basically a feudal society where the family lords over political life. And with the weakening of political parties - alongside the weakening of other institutions in society - the family has remained the country’s basic political organization. This feudal, family-oriented base is one of the factors that stunts the growth of political-campaign professionals. Four decades after Imelda Marcos successfully steered her husband to power, Philippine campaigns are still far from being well-oiled political projects run by professionals. In the Philippine setting, a political campaign machine - especially one designed for a presidential candidate - can be a complex structure with various compartmentalized sub-groupings. The professionals would be embedded somewhere within, a silent and unknown minority who bow to tacticians and campaign operators. These tacticians and operators, in turn, are usually members and friends of a political clan. It isn’t altogether surprising that a campaign can still look like a mom-and-pop affair with the candidate’s wife as campaign manager, the husband a fundraiser, and all sorts of hangers-on filling the backroom. There is a difference in this year’s election, however. It is the first presidential election in decades in which political advertisements will be allowed. It is the first time that the power of media in general - and television in particular - may determine who wins. At no other time in the nation’s history will candidates be sold like soap and toothpaste because 40 million voters will be relying on little more than visibility and image to make their choices. More than ever before, candidates and their campaign machineries will now need to use the media specialists, campaign managers, and assorted professionals to make themselves known to the public, and through whatever means available. By passing the law lifting the ban on political advertisements, â€Å"Congress was in fact saying there’s another way of winning,† says political consultant Malou Tiquia. And part of the message to candidates may be that there could be more room for the pros. For some candidates, this may be a welcome development, since it may mean more effective campaigns, i. e. more votes. But it may not necessarily be good news for the public. As U. S. political scientist Dan Nimmo points out in his book,  The Political Persuaders, hiring professionals may just mean more sophisticated manipulation. Without question,† says Nimmo, â€Å"the new technology introduces not only the possibility but indeed the likelihood of systematic deception in electoral politics. † More and more, candidates will be seen in images and settings that do not really reflect who they really are and what they are going to do once elected to office. With more professional sleight of hand at work, the public may have a harder time distinguishing fact from fiction, especially when they remain unaware that experts now have more say in the show. IN THE  so-called mature democracies of the West, there are experts for every task in a campaign. In the United States, the election industry is huge, manned by a wide range of specialists including campaign managers, political consultants, public relations people, speechwriters, audio-visual experts, and fundraisers. They operate by a set of rules and design campaign strategies based on scientifically obtained data provided by another component of that growing industry: the profession of campaign research that includes not only pollsters but also psychologists and behavioral experts. | President Quezon addresses a crowd. | | | That is not the case in the Philippines. For starters, there are very few such professionals in the country. For example, there are only two or three reputable independent polling agencies in the Philippines. Image specialists, political consultants, and campaign managers are also hard to find. Two years ago, an organization called the Association of Political Consultants of Asia was formed, bringing together political technicians aiming to transform political consultancy and campaigning from craft to science. Still, quips one political consultant: â€Å"It’s easier to find a cardiologist who can do open heart surgery than to find a good spin master. † That is partly why families and friends remain the captains of Philippine political campaigns. Fernando Poe Jr. ’s campaign machinery, for instance, is packed with his siblings and supporters in the entertainment world. Brother Conrad Poe handles logistics, sister Elizabeth Poe is the official scheduler, while erstwhile comedian and Senator Tito Sotto is the campaign manager. Even actors Rez Cortes and Richard Gomez have been assigned parts to play in the campaign, as has Poe’s swarm of stuntmen-friends who dabble as spokespersons, rallyists, and even act as Poe’s security cordon. On that point, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo isn’t far behind. Her brother Diosdado ‘Buboy’ Macapagal Jr. s her campaign manager and fundraiser. First Gentleman Mike Arroyo is in the thick of her campaign, too, even if just last year, he had gotten embroiled in a scandal that portrayed him as using an alias to stash away millions of pesos of surplus campaign funds from his wife’s 1998 vice-presidential bid. Of course, a family-run campaign does not necessarily translate into an inefficient and ineffective venture. The most politically experienced clans have even elevated political campaigning to an art, and have over time mastered how to best maximize manpower, resources, and connections. Elite families are especially skilled at this, putting the charismatic and media-savvy members at the frontlines, assigning the crafty and the cunning to the management side, and mobilizing the clan and its network for other tasks in the campaign, including recruiting campaigners, poll watchers, goons, bodyguards - even hitmen, if need be. But with this election promising more pros, campaigns are bound to be slicker than ever. There is, for instance, the advertising agency Campaigns and Grey and its stable of image specialists working for presidential candidate Raul Roco. There will also be groups like Tiquia’s Publicus Ltd. , a political consultancy firm that provides campaign services to senatorial and local candidates. There is even the television production team TAPE Productions - which puts out programs like the noontime variety show â€Å"Eat Bulaga! † - acting as image makers for Fernando Poe Jr. Most of these professionals, though, remain in the background. â€Å"It’s an underground industry-most of these people don’t carry calling cards, don’t introduce themselves, don’t appear at press conferences, don’t advertise their services,† says a political consultant. They get hired by referral and by word of mouth. The really good ones are overloaded with clients and forced to turn down others. † For this article, they refused to be identified. â€Å"You let the spotlight fall only on your principal,† this political consultant adds. Another one says, â€Å"The pros are often rel egated to the backroom, or they don’t have the stature to face the public. † â€Å"Undocumented experts,† is how yet another political consultant describes himself and his peers. The secrecy is understandable. Most of them have day jobs, either as reporters, columnists, businessmen, advertising executives, legislative staff, or civil servants. Elections and political campaigns don’t come that often and cannot be a stable source of livelihood, which is why most political professionals consider themselves â€Å"political sacadas† or sharecroppers whose work is seasonal. Besides, in the professions where they officially belong, moonlighting for politicians is an ethical taboo. Journalists working as public relations practitioners or political consultants would be violating the rules on independence, impartiality, and conflict of interest. Some advertising agencies even insist that they have no history or record of involvement in political campaigns. Yet as far back as 1965, the presidential campaign was already a battle of the ad agency executives. | Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos display their affection for each other during their heyday. | | | For that particular campaign, adman Billy Esposo writes in a recent column, Marcos hired Proctor and Gamble’s creative team, which was composed of, among others, Miniong Ordonez, now of Jimenez Basic Advertising. Reli German was part of that team. On the other side of the fence, says Esposo, Diosdado Macapagal’s â€Å"image team was headed by the late Fenny Hechanova, himself a former adman from a pioneering agency called Philprom. † When Marcos ran for reelection four years later, Esposo continues, he got Greg Garcia, who eventually headed the prominent ad agency Hemisphere-Leo Burnett. Greg Garcia, now retired but still part owner of Leo Burnett, is the chief image handler of Senator Panfilo Lacson. The reticence of many professionals in admitting their political work stems from the stigma it apparently carries. Political campaigning is often viewed as an illicit undertaking. Players are perceived to ink deals and engage in dirty tricks and special operations that can go from wooing special interest groups and thinking up a candidate’s position on issues, to peddling propaganda, buying the media, and negotiating for votes with local party leaders. But much of the bad name suffered by political professionals has also been blamed on Marcos. After he declared martial law in 1972 and abolished elections, the political pros’ skills and talents were put to use only to promote his Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (the only active political party at that time) or push his New Society. It was a situation that didn’t allow skilled political organizers to thrive and develop a profession called campaign management or political consultancy. Although the Development Academy of the Philippines and the Department of Interior and Local Government became training grounds where political managers could hone their skills managing political organizations, all their work was still for Marcos’s benefit. The only other option was to escape the system and cross over to activist organizations or the underground Left, such as the National Democratic Front (NDF) or the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). Today’s top party and campaign people, in fact, trace their roots to these diverse beginnings: Lakas’s Gabriel Claudio and Ronaldo Puno were products of the DILG, while Horacio ‘Boy’ Morales and Rigoberto Tiglao, came from the leftist movement. PERHAPS  the unsuspecting public should be thankful that the country still has a relatively tiny community of campaign management experts, resulting in often-chaotic campaigns that either reveal more than the candidate wants the public to know, or reveal so little that the voters are left annoyed. In truth, present Philippine campaigns are quite like those in the United States were more than 100 years ago. In The Political Persuaders, which was published in 1970, Nimmo writes, â€Å"A century ago, candidates relied on their wits, their friends, and a few trusted allies to mount a campaign for office. Few men specialized in selling political advice. The campaign specialists of that day were primarily party politicians. † | Joseph Estrada is mobbed by adoring crowds during his 1998 campaign. | | | According to Nimmo, the campaign management industry is a â€Å"direct descendant of the public-relations profession† that became popular in the 1920s. That was when U. S. capitalists were under attack by consumers who were reading in newspapers about unsavory business practices. Countering such criticism required a specialist who could proclaim the good side of U. S. industry. Thus was born the PR agent. â€Å"In the process,† Nimmo continues, these PR people â€Å"made increasingly adroit use of the means of mass communication; the result was the burgeoning field of mass advertising. It would not be long before public relations and mass advertising would cross over to the world of politics, especially with the rise of television, and give birth to a profession that proclaims the good side of political candidates. Nimmo recounts that election campaigns soon became a battle for public exposure. That battle, however, hasn’t been easily fought and won. Many other things compete for the voters’ attention, and candidates need people who are masters not only at constructing the candidate’s message and image, but also at sending these in the most effective way that will make full use of manpower, time, and limited resources. In short, campaigns need strategies. The U. S. -trained Tiquia, formerly a legislative staff member in the Philippine and U. S. Congresses, defines the ingredients that make for a good campaign strategy. These are listed in a book entitled Campaign Politics: defining the voting population being targeted, creating the message to be communicated, managing resources, timing, and tactics. Tactics include direct voter contact such as campaign events, rallies, and even door-to-door campaigning, and indirect tactics like media advertisements, billboards, and campaign paraphernalia. Having a professional campaign team to implement the strategy is another necessity. The team is supposed to put order into the traditionally topsy-turvy exercises called campaigns. In this country, however, third-world realities can get in the way. For instance, Tiquia says, there are times when a candidate hires a professional campaign team that may find itself clashing with family members, or with yet another professional team working for the same politician. Problems like these only slow down the campaign. Campaign Politics also advises politicians to plot their moves way in advance, get their hands on the best people before the competition beats them to it, and plan carefully how resources are to be spent. But there’s that manana habit of the Filipino-his penchant for not planning ahead and waiting till the last minute-which can wreak havoc on the campaign in many ways. As examples, Tiquia cites candidates who are buying TV spots only now, and are finding out that there are none available because an enterprising agency had purchased all that was left months ago. It is now selling these â€Å"on the secondary market† at much higher rates. There were, however, a few who bought spots early, and at rates that were far, far cheaper. Among the more visible swift-footed ones are presidential candidate Raul Roco and Panfilo Lacson, whose ads had been airing regularly since the campaign started, and senatorial candidate Mar Roxas. As if operating in such a third-world conditions weren’t enough, political professionals in the Philippines also have to deal with obsessive-compulsive candidates who try to control the campaign every step of the way. Among the cardinal rules for campaigns, says one of the political consultants interviewed for this piece, is that â€Å"a candidate cannot think and campaign at the same time; a candidate shouldn’t handle his or her own campaign. † But most candidates refuse to leave things to the experts. Despite the enormity of her duties as president and candidate, Gloria Arroyo still decides where her campaigns sorties will go, political consultants say. Even members of her campaign still cannot fathom why she chose to launch her presidential bid in the hills of Cavinti, Laguna. Observers could only guess that  feng shui  might have had something to do with it; taking the team to high ground probably bodes good luck, they said. But after Cavinti, the president went north, leaving observers still trying to discern a pattern in her campaigning - if there was really any at all. One consultant, though, says, â€Å"Look at the route she has taken, and you’ll see that it’s like she’s drawing the number eight on the map-she goes up, she goes down, forward, then backward. † Poe is said to be no different, at least as far as his political rallies are concerned. Remember that he’s a movie director, so he wants to have a say in how his rallies are produced,† says a political professional. But the king of Philippine movies is also a political neophyte, which has unfortunately resulted in Poe being kept in an artificial world where everything is stage-managed. Hence, every interview, every appearance has to be scripted. And h aving written lines for scripts, Poe tends to have a say in how his campaign is managed. â€Å"The best candidate surrenders himself to his handlers,† says another political consultant. And if there was one who embodied this, it was Joseph ‘Erap’ Estrada in 1998. Erap was a good follower in the sense that when you said the schedule was like this, even if it was so hot or he was already dead tired, he would still follow the schedule to the letter,† says Lito Banayo, who was on Estrada’s 1998 campaign team, and is now on Lacson’s. â€Å"That’s why he was a joy to handle. Perhaps because he was an actor, he was used to having a call time, he had to be on the set at this certain time. He (carried that) discipline in the campaign. † But another plus factor in the Estrada campaign was its near-perfect machinery, which was due to a generous influx of funds. Ample funds and resources make a large part of a successful campaign. Reli German even says, â€Å"The three most important things (in a campaign) are money, money, and money. † The Estrada campaign in 1998 had that in huge quantities. Recalls Banayo: â€Å"There were really a lot of people who helped in that campaign by way of cash as well as material donations. † A feature of Estrada’s campaign sorties, for instance, were the motorcades and caravans where Estrada would appear beside his showbiz friends Poe and Nora Aunor, and they would then toss candies to the crowd. Banayo says they never ran out of candies because the supplies just kept coming. Banayo explains the â€Å"symbiotic relationship† of campaign elements: â€Å"Once the perception or image of a candidate improves, the survey results become stacked in his or her favor, the numbers go up, the resources will pour in accordingly. † Making the candidate more visible, his image more winnable, translates into more campaign contributors. Traditionally, political consultants say, donors such as Filipino-Chinese businesspeople who put in large sums of money into election campaign, initially give equal amounts to all candidates. The money reportedly starts getting bigger only by April, when donors have a clearer idea who among the candidates is pulling away from the pack, and likely to lead the race. But Tiquia laments how fundraising, like the other aspects, remains a hidden but very important facet of Philippine campaigns. Candidates do not, in the course of the campaign, reveal who their funders are, and methods for raising funds are not always above board. In the United States, Tiquia notes, fundraising is a profession. Professional fundraisers’ methods include organizing events or dinners, or sending out mail asking supporters to contribute to the campaign kitty. There are limits to the amounts supporters can donate. In this country, it is the field of contributors that is limited. The money comes mostly from Filipino-Chinese businesspeople; the bigger players are the likes of Lucio Tan and Eduardo Cojuangco, whose hearts, minds, and pocket the candidates have to compete for. In exchange, candidates promise them the moon, the stars, and even a piece of the economy. And now to lure them - and the voters - candidates are tapping political professionals. The irony is that takes a lot of money as well. Nimmo notes, â€Å"The professionals are for hire, but at very high prices. Fewer and fewer politicians can afford the costs of candidacy†¦. In an age when less affluent members of society are already disillusioned with a political arrangement which they perceive are shutting them out, it will hardly produce harmony to request that they play by the rules of an electoral game they cannot afford to enter. Source: http://pcij. org/stories/first-world-techniques-third-world-setting/ Voters Harder To Fool With Empty Promises by Kathleen A. Martin, ABS-CBNnews. com Posted at 01/17/2013 11:22 AM | Updated as of 01/17/2013 11:22 AM MANILA, Philippines Aspiring politicians will need more than a catchy jingle and an empty promise to capture the hearts of Filipino masses, advertisers said. Yoly Ong, group chairperson at Campaigns and Grey, said that ba sed on various focus group discussions, Filipinos are more selective when voting for candidates. They (the masses) actually say, peke yan e, because the promises are different from what the politicians actually do, Ong told ANCs Inside Business. In fact, Ive come to the conclusion that its harder to fool the masses today, Ong continued. Ong is behind President Benigno Aquino IIIs successful campaign in 2010, and the brains behind the catchy Pag walang corrupt, walang mahirap slogan. They (Filipino voters) have very different behaviors toward candidates. For presidential candidates, they dont want the jingles. What they want to know is what the guy is going to do to improve their quality of life, Ong said. But for the senatorial candidates, I guess its more of remembering who to vote for because theres 12 people you need to choose, Ong noted. Ong believes that for the national elections, the air war or the television and radio will be the primary venues for warring candidates. But lo cal candidates such as congressmen and mayors will still need to battle it out retail-elections style, or going from house to house. Consultant Greg Garcia concurs with Ong, but stressed the role of television in political campaigns has dramatically changed over the years. If youre not on TV, dont even think about running for national office because the penetration of TV is just fantastic, Garcia said. I always advise clients that 80% of their money should go into media, and 80% of that 80% should go to television. Television is the only way to communicate to as many people as you can in the shortest amount of time, he added. Garcia is the man behind Vice President Jejomar Binays successful 2010 bid. Garcia said Binays narrative of Ganito kami sa Makati, sana ganito din sa buong bayan was the secret behind the vice presidents win. The campaign for the vice president was really right on and I think every candidate must have a narrative to win, Garcia said. Its not just about name rec all, whats important is recalling the candidates narrative, he stressed. Source: abs-cbnnews. com/-depth/01/17/13/voters-harder-fool-empty-promises Philippine Elections Will Stop Being A Sham When Voters Wisen Up By: Ilda, November 9, 2012 Poor Filipinos. We can only stand back and watch in awe at how the Americans conduct their successful Presidential election. Less than a day after the US Presidential election, the winner could be declared without a hitch and without much contention from the losing candidate. Months of campaigning from both candidates come to an abrupt halt as soon as the winner is announced. It is back to work for everyone in the White House. The ease with which the US election sailed by so smoothly is not even because they have a computerized voting system. For many decades, US elections have always come and gone with hardly any drama. It’s just another walk in the park for people who follow a system that works. In relative terms, there’s hardly any cheating that would cause the sorts of delays that could put entire institutions in doubt. In contrast, even the Philippines’ very first computerized election in 2010 was fraught with allegations of fraudulent activities as reported by some of the members of the local and international community who participated and observed the election. As mentioned in my previous article immediately after the 2010 election, foreign observers concluded that there was massive cheating involved in the first ever-automated Presidential election. Apart from the problems encountered with the machines, there were other elements whose presence was questionable considering they should not have been in the polling stations in the first place. Observers witnessed a chaotic scene with strong military presence and lots of instances of intimidation in and around the polling stations. One international observer who was assigned at the Pampanga and Tarlac region even specifically mentioned that intimidation was rampant in Hacienda Luisita, the hometown of President Benigno Simeon â€Å"BS† Aquino. These were observations made by outsiders who are completely unbiased. It is incomprehensible why our public officials allow these things to happen. This is why until now there are still some people who question the legitimacy of President BS Aquino’s win. The following is a summary of their observation all throughout the country: Serious and systematic irregularities: Vote buying People lining up outside the candidate’s house waiting to receive cash or goods There was no privacy in the polling stations People could see what the voter is writing The ballot sheet could not be folded to cover the information There were voters who were not stamped with indelible ink There were voters who were stamped with ink before voting There were people taking pictures and videos of voters for intimidation purposes Police and military presence was strong. Despite reports of massive election fraud, majority of Filipinos don’t seem inclined to do or don’t even want to know anything about them. The Commissions on Elections (Comelec) and President BS Aquino’s media cohorts were quick to declare the election a success. They wanted everyone to think that the first automated voting system delivered as expected and that Aquino’s win was a decisive one. Unfortunately, we will never know the truth. Filipinos will always be in the dark as to what truly happened because they chose to ignore boring details. Filipinos have this tendency to just listen to what the Philippine media is telling them. The Filipino people’s preference for turning a blind eye to impropriety is what’s preventing our country from moving forward. It is turning the Philippines into a nation of cheaters. The irony is that we cry foul after a bad deed is done but we ignore the deed as it transpires. It seems we don’t want the inconvenience of having to deal with the fallout of reporting a crime in progress. We don’t even have protection for whistleblowers. Instead of commending people for their bravery in coming forward, Filipinos turn against the whistleblowers, making them look like they are making mountains out of molehills. People who are seen supporting the whistleblowers are considered â€Å"sore losers†. This discourages people from doing the right thing. Vigilance against crime is what will actually foster an environment of trust in our society. If we know that illegal activities are not tolerated, we can be assured that people will be honest with their day-to-day activities. Sadly, we shun people who go out on a limb to expose corruption or any form of malpractice, but what we need to do is to help promote a society in which it is possible to speak out without reprisal about corruption, dangers to the public and environment, and other vital social issues. Until we change the way we think and do things collectively as a people, we will never have a smooth election like the Americans. Here are some of the lessons I learned during the 2010 election that could help us in the 2013 Senatorial election and even the 2016 Presidential election: 1. Campaign platforms No one comes up with a credible platform during elections because voters don’t care about platforms. They cared about Noynoy’s love life and what he does in his spare time. Voters were also smitten with the â€Å"Aquino Legacy† and are convinced that Noynoy will continue whatever it is they think that Ninoy or Cory could have achieved but for whatever reason did not. The voters don’t even have a clue what a platform is. You have to wonder now how they plan to evaluate how Noynoy sticks to his campaign promises during his term of office. Lesson learned: Most Filipino voters are star-struck ignoramuses. If you want to run for the presidency in 2016, get an image makeover or try to appear â€Å"good† and â€Å"humble†. 2. Surveys and Polling firms Some Filipinos were dumb enough to think that if a candidate is popular, it means that he should be voted in as president. The fact of the matter is, candidates with a lot funds can hire polling firms and publish reports when it is favorable to them. It was also reported that polling firms conducting the surveys in 2010 were closely linked to the presidential candidate leading the polls. Likewise, despite the number of candidates allowed to run, people were actually just choosing between two candidates. Lesson learned: Next election, call for more transparency around poll survey questionnaires; clamor for more polling firms to conduct surveys and be vigilant and critical of Media’s interpretation of the poll results. 3. Media Bias Noynoy Aquino was given more exposure by prominent media outlets like thePhilippine Daily Inquirer  during the campaign period. It didn’t matter how trivial the news was; Noynoy Aquino was always on the front page. Broadcast networks such as ABS-CBN also helped expose Noynoy to the masa through shows that flagged the â€Å"Aquino Legacy†. Lesson learned: Media outlets owned and operated by members of the Philippine oligarchy will give more exposure to whoever presidential candidate offers concessions they can benefit from. 4. Religious endorsements A week before Election Day, the leader of Iglesia ni Cristo announced that they will be endorsing presidential candidate Noynoy Aquino. It has been said that this religious group actually waits for the last minute before announcing their endorsement because they want to ensure that whoever they endorse actually wins - presumably with the aim of making a few deals with the president once in office. It was also said that Noynoy’s party was secretly courting that leader’s guarantee that the INC votes will be in their favor. Lesson learned: The endorsement of religious leaders depends on which candidate is popular; religious leaders can make or break a presidential aspirant; Filipinos will vote for whoever their religious leaders instruct them to vote for. . Election Day thugs and vote buying It seems that all of the above exercise with the possible exception of item number four will have no bearing on Election Day to the majority of voters because of the presence of thugs in the polling stations. As previously mentioned, police and military personnel who have no business being in polling stations and who are under the payroll of candidates, hang around to intimidate voters. If the Police and the military themselves are involved in this illegal behavior, to whom can the voters report the irregularity to? The illegal activity called vote buying involves the buyer and the seller. They both are accountable for their actions. In this case, both parties won’t be willing to report each other because they both benefit from the activity. Unfortunately, the voter who sells his vote will only benefit in the short term. Lesson learned: As long as irregularities like this happens on Election Day, any efforts at educating the voters will just go down the drain. 6. Automated Machines It turns out that automated machines are not foolproof. Reports abound of machines malfunctioning, machines found kept in someone’s shed, the discrepancies in time lapsed, and allegations of malicious software installed in the machine itself. Lesson learned: Filipinos cannot be trusted with both manual and automated election. Filipinos are very resourceful at finding a way to cheat. Lastly, here is the bottom-line: Filipinos are ultimately to blame for allowing fraudulent activities to happen. Politicians will keep trying to get away with cheating but it is up to us to decide if we will let them. Source: http://getrealphilippines. om/blog/2012/11/philippine-elections-will-stop-being-a-sham-when-voters-wisen-up/ 2013 Mix-And-Match Voting By  Ramon Casiple, Mon, Jan 7, 2013 The weak political party system in the Philippines can be seen in the way voters will vote in the 2013 national and local elections. A cursory study of the voting patterns in the past elections showed that voters vote for a candidate on various grounds, among th em their personal relationship to the candidate, a candidate’s popularity (not necessarily in politics), endorsement by respected persons, and, of course, what the candidate stands for in relation to voters’ own. Nowhere in this list is a voter’s recognition of the candidate’s political party platform and program. The candidate, in this sense, sells himself, not the party. A tacit recognition of this can be seen in the way candidates and political parties present themselves to the voters. In streamers and billboards, the face and name of the candidate stands out compared to the party. Even in the party-list system- where the party-list groups are the ones to be electedit has become more advantageous to present faces of their nominees in addition to the group names. The result is mix-and-match voting by individual voters. Rarely do they vote straight for a party’s candidates. Source: http://ph. news. yahoo. com/blogs/communityvoices/2013-mix-and-match-voting-130754846. html Everything I Need To Know About Improving The Outcome Of Philippine Elections I Learned In Kindergarten By: benign0, February 25, 2013 Campaign platforms You’d think that the call for platforms is so new this year considering how much of the mainstream has now taken up the cudgels of beating this concept into the tiny skulls of the Filipino voters. Yet only just four years ago, the idea of demanding platforms from candidates making their pitch to voters was so exotic. So exotic it was that I  wrote a piece  back in mid-2009 outlining the basic how-to’s of developing a campaign platform. As evident in what I wrote there, â€Å"If we are to expect Filipinos to courageously rally around a serious effort to become a better country in the foreseeable future, it would help to see a leader who has it clear in his or her mind how to get us from A to B. † it is obvious that the concept back then was quite new. The call for platforms rose to a crescendo as the presidential campaign leading to the 2010 elections marched on. But as it became more apparent that the then front-running candidate, Benigno Simeon â€Å"BS† Aquino III lacked one, had no inclination of producing one, and was happy enough to run entirely on the back of his family pedigree, many folk who had by then drank enough of BS Aquino’s Yellowist Kool Aid were loudly extolling the irrelevance of revealing clear governance platforms during an election campaign. Instead, what to them was BS Aquino’s qualification to lead the country was his  perceived  honesty, integrity, and lack of a track record of corrupt practices. Funny how the most important lessons are learnt after the disaster had already wrought havoc. BS Aquino is now President of the Philippines and the very same bozos who thought platforms were not  that  important are now parroting what we had been saying back in 2009. Voter education In the lead up to and then in the aftermath of the 1986 EDSA people power â€Å"revolution†, the idea that in â€Å"freedom† lies the singular key to Philippine prosperity became deeply-ingrained in the Filipino psyche. It was all about freedom, and a blanket of demagoguery built around this simpleton’s message descended upon and enveloped the Philippine National â€Å"Debate† in the subsequent 27 years. The Vote - the â€Å"freedom† to choose one’s leaders - guaranteed that the  right  ones would be elevated to office as the prevailing thinking went. This was, the activists insisted, the â€Å"power† that the Filipino people â€Å"regained† after the 1986 â€Å"revolution†. But then as one bozo after another got elected into office since 1986, it became quite clear that the erstwhile thought leaders of the time simply gave Filipino voters too much credit. It turns out they were really not that smart after all. Freedom in the hands of the Filipino voter was like a blowtorch in the hands of a two-year-old. And so the idea of â€Å"educating† Filipino voters came about. The thing with â€Å"voter education† is that it is really not that complicated. It comes down to something most normal people learned in kindergarten - that we are ultimately all accountable to ourselves for the decisions we made in the past. In a society renowned for a collective faculty for thinking that is stunted by amnesia and voodoo logic, â€Å"voter education† should start with a re-visit of these kindergarten basics; that being accountable as a â€Å"voter† encompasses a system of three key acts of responsibility: (a) Select the right leaders; b) Use the system to hold them accountable; and, (c) Hold ourselves accountable for the quality of the leaders we choose using the system. A lot of the focus of this year’s â€Å"voter education† activist fad is on just the first one,  selecting the right leaders. The harder part of the equation - keeping politicians on their toes  in between elections  is where the  real  deal lies. Unfo rtunately Filipinos are simply not up to delivering their part of the deal in between fiestas. And so politicians gravitate to the same old buffoonery†¦ Grandstanding politicians The reason Filipino politicians are so at liberty to make big, lofty, colourful, noisy, but  hollow  promises during election campaigns is because the Filipino voter simply drops the ball once the fiesta is over. Because Filipino voters simply fail to  use the system to hold them accountable  as a matter of routine in between elections and utterly lack an ethic of  holding themselves accountable for the quality of the leaders they choose  during those fiestas, Philippine politics is a con man’s wet dream. You only need a lousy product and a million suckers to make a lot of money in business. And Philippine politics is, indeed, good business. And so we come to†¦ The role of social media in Philippine politics In a recently-concluded â€Å"convention† that saw one of the current crop of â€Å"thought leaders† after another pontificate about what such a  kewwwlllthing social media is, we learned that social media is unprecedented in the way it†¦ breaks traditional commuinication barriers; serves as a platform for unfiltered egalitarian â€Å"dialogue†; elevates â€Å"political discourse† by; providing a more â€Å"inclusive† discussion community; and, prompts - and demands - quick response from its participants. Yadda, yadda, yadda. In short (cutting through all the fad jargon), social media  transmits  andamplifies  the â€Å"voice of the people† at an unprecedented scale and efficiency so that every schmoe and her dog has a crack at the proverbial bullhorn once wielded by only the most powerful and influential people. Sounds nice -   on paper. The thing with participating in social media chatter is that it is really a form of high-tech Chinese whispers. The Twitter â€Å"retweet† and the Facebook â€Å"share† functions are the 21st Century facilitators of this game - and it is now a game played on a vast scale. Communication engineers will point out that the principle of signal degradation as data is transmitted, relayed, and re-amplified a number of times as transmission distance increases over a channel is the same as the way hearsay information is perverted in a typical Chinese whispers game. Human debate unfortunately remains  analog, so the advent of social media - the  digital intermediary  in the propagation of this â€Å"debate† - merely served as a more efficient way to  accurately  spread low-quality information. With every digital factoid passing through Filipino brains in between retweets, the signal progressively  degrades  into noise. We see this degradation in  signal-to-noise  ratios everyday - when we make photocopies  of photocopies  and make photocopies of  those  photocopies, the quality of the copy worsens as the number of copies increase. Enlarge one of these nth-generation copies and you will come up with a really bad image. In the same way, amplify and transmit a bad signal over several iterations and all you get for your trouble is a louder and even noisier signal. That is essentially what social media is doing for the Philippine National â€Å"Debate†. * * * Indeed, everything essential to practicing democracy  properly  comprises stuff most well-bred people learned as little kids. Having a plan to get where one wants to go. Acquiring relevant information and applying it shrewdly. Regarding sales pitches with a critical mind. Being respectful and prudent when communicating with other people - regardless of the communication technology being used. You don’t really need a Masters Degree in political â€Å"science† to really get all that. When one understands  fundamental  problems using  common sense, we tend to have a more practical regard for some of the silver-bullet â€Å"solutions† that the savviest spin-meisters around us build buzzes around. Source: http://getrealphilippines. com/blog/2013/02/everything-i-need-to-know-about-improving-the-outcome-of-philippine-elections-i-learned-in-kindergarten/ BLOG POSTS: Policy Dialogue Series 2004 Academe Meets the Political Parties It has often been said that political parties in the Philippines are based on personalities, not on platforms and ideologies. But individuals do not aggregate demands of sectoral interests. Ideally, parties become the key venues where policies and programs are shaped. In the end, it is still the parties who can be made accountable to their constituents and to the people come post-electoral politics. While it may be true that voting patterns in the Philippines have reflected preference for personalities rather than parties, the platforms of the political parties should still be subjected to public scrutiny. Source: http://twsc. upd. edu. ph/training_PDS1. html Date: March 01, 2004 Filipino Voting Patterns By: Reynz According to some of the articles on the Internet about Filipino voting patterns, most Filipino voters choose their candidates based on the following: 1. ) Utang na loob (Debt of gratitude) 2. ) Winnability 3. ) Charisma 4. ) Media exposure 5. ) Eloquence 6. ) Pakikisama 7. ) Ka-ching! ka-ching! In other words, Filipino voters rarely vote on the basis of the following: 1. ) Capability 2. ) Leadership skills 3. ) Knowledge of the job 4. ) Moral upbringing and, 5. ) Fortitude Source: reynaelena. com/2013/02/03/filipino-voting-patterns/ Date: February 03, 2013

My Favorite Stephen Sondheim Musicals

My Favorite Stephen Sondheim Musicals Born March 22nd, 1930, Stephen Sondheim seemed destined to become one of America’s most beloved figures in American theater. When he was only ten years old, he moved with his mother to the Pennsylvanian countryside. There, he became neighbors and friends with the family of Oscar Hammerstein II. In his teens, Sondheim began writing musicals. When he showed Hammerstein his work, the famed lyricist explained that it was awful – but he also told him why it was awful. An amazing mentorship began. Hammerstein provided him one-on-one instruction and advice and gave Sondheim difficult yet creative challenges which honed the young artist’s songwriting skills. In 1956, Sondheim was chosen to write the lyrics for Leonard Bernstein’s West Side Story. Soon after, he created the lyrics for the amazingly successful Gypsy. By the early 1960s, Stephen Sondheim was ready for his compositions to premiere on Broadway. Today, he is beloved among sophisticated audiences and performers alike. Here is a list of my favorite musicals by Stephen Sondheim: #1) Into the Woods I had the pleasure of watching the original Broadway production when I was 16 years old. At the time, I absolutely loved the first act, which plays like a wonderfully crafted and complex fairy tale comedy, ideal for the entire family. During the second half, however, I was quite disturbed by all the chaos and death. The story became too much like real life. And, of course, that’s the point of the show, a transition from fantasy to reality, or from adolescence to adulthood. Gradually, after listening to the soundtrack, and growing a bit older myself, I have come to love and appreciate both acts of this fun and fascinating musical. #2) Sweeney Todd It’s difficult to find a more violent musical than Sweeney Todd. And it’s difficult to find a more haunting melody than Sondheim’s â€Å"Johanna Reprise,† a hypnotic song that mixes beauty, longing, and murder. This is the story of a demented barber who seeks revenge, but goes way too far, driven mad in his lust for bloodshed. (It’s one thing to reap vengeance; it’s another thing to stuff people into meat pies.) Despite the carnage and cannibalism, there is a dark, infectious humor throughout Sweeney Todd, elevating this dreary story to genius. #3) A Funny Thing Happened on the Way to the Forum If you’re looking for a show that has a simple, laugh-out-loud happy ending, then Stephen Sondheim’s first success as composer/lyricist is the musical for you. During the show’s test run in Washington, D.C., Forum received negative reviews and apathetic reactions from the audience. Fortunately, director and self-proclaimed â€Å"play doctor† George Abbott suggested that they scrap the opening song, â€Å"Love Is in the Air.† Sondheim agreed and created the bouncy, hilarious number, â€Å"Comedy Tonight.† The new opening number energized Broadway audiences, eliciting laughter (and long lines at the box office). #4) Sunday in the Park with George Filled with beautiful songs and exquisite sets, Sondheim’s Sunday in the Park with George was inspired by the artwork of Georges Seurat, in particular his painting â€Å"A Sunday Afternoon on the Island of La Grande Jatte.† I love stories that examine the lives of artistic geniuses – even if their history is fictionalized a great deal, as is the case with Sunday in the Park with George. The first act focuses on Seurat’s passions: his art and his mistress. The second act transitions to the 1980s, showing the struggles of a modern artist, George (the fictional grandson of Seaurat). Whenever I’m working on a creative project that takes a lot of concentration, I inevitably start to sing â€Å"Putting It Together,† one of my favorite Sondheim tunes, and an insightful commentary on the artistic process. #5) Company For me, this is the most â€Å"Sondheimish† of Stephen Sondheim’s musicals. The lyrics are funny, complicated, and emotional. Each song is like a cathartic experience for the characters. The basic premise: It’s Robert’s 35th birthday. He is still unmarried, and tonight all of his married friends will be throwing him a party. In the process, Robert analyzes his life and the relationships of his friends. It ran for 705 performances on Broadway, and earned six Tony Awards. So, why do I have it as my 5th favorite Sondheim musical? Perhaps it’s simply a personal thing. When I was a kid, listening to show-tunes such West Side Story and Sound of Music, I was vaguely familiar with Company. I liked the songs, but I could not connect with the characters. I assumed that when I became an adult that things would change, that I would eventually like to drink coffee, discuss real estate, and behave like the characters in Company. None of those things happened. Despite my own short comings, I still enjoy the songs and the non-linear storytelling style of Company. What’s Missing? Of course, there are many other great Sondheim works that didn’t make my personal list. Musicals such as Follies and Assassins never struck a chord with me. Tony Award winning Passion almost made my list, but because I’ve watched the video and not a live production, perhaps I wasn’t as entranced by the show as others have been. And what about Merrily We Roll Along? Although it flopped on Broadway, some would argue that it features Sondheim’s most heartfelt songs.

International Law and Humanitarian Issues Assignment

International Law and Humanitarian Issues - Assignment Example According to these provisions, N had the right to humane treatment from her host country the United Kingdom. The EU court affirmed the expulsion of N from the UK based on the article 3 of the EU convention on human rights. The judges argued that N had the capability of accessing treatment in her mother country of Uganda (Martin, 2006). Moreover, the court argued that the applicant had the care and support of her family. However, on her side and arguments of many human rights bodies, it was assumed that the country offered HIV/AIDS treatment. They court did not ascertain if it was sufficient in N’s case. Moreover, article 8 of the act was raised claiming that N could not be extradited to Uganda since it this provision allowed respect of her rights (Doyle,  2004). For instance, the ruling disregarded her right to humane treatment and that a person would not be extradited to another country based on health or moral grounds. Question 2 In case the UN General Assembly were given more humanitarian authority to intervene in sovereign nations. The UN general assembly would be in a dilemma in assisting in humanitarian issues and would most likely do less. This is because; currently the United Nations has failed to address many humanitarian issues and interventions in different parts of the world. ... For instance, the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and the massacre in Srebrenica are some of the conflicts that the UN failed to prevent (Martin, 2006). The UN has wide and sweeping authority to intervene in humanitarian situations across the globe. The main stumbling block to humanitarian interventions includes the issue of sovereignty. Unless, a country seeks for intervention then the UN cannot intervene in some situations. For instance, the 2008 Myanmar Cyclone was a great catastrophe that required humanitarian intervention but the UN did not intervene (Dunoff,  2010). Some legal framework and reforms have been initiated within the ranks of the UN to solve the issue of sovereignty. For instance, Canada in the year 2000, established the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS). However, several processes made towards interference on humanitarian work have been thwarted by the UN Security Council. This body has heavy political interests in different regions o f the world and therefore, if greater authority would be vested on the UN it could lead to fewer interventions (Weissbrodt, 2007). Question 3 Occupying another nation or country is illegal and it amounts to an act of war against that nation. The sovereignty of a nation is recognized by international laws such as the Geneva Convention. The United Nations and other international bodies do not in many cases advocate for occupation of another country. Occupation of other countries is old fashioned since it overrides the sovereignty of a nation. It would not be prudent for occupiers of another country to change the legal or political systems of the occupied nation (Martin, 2006). Occupiers should not be permitted to transform the nations they occupy since these nations have

Introduction to Microeconomics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Introduction to Microeconomics - Essay Example This replaces Highly Skilled Migrant Programme (HSMP) that was in force earlier. Tier II: Under this, skilled workers get entry in the UK, who have a ready job offer. This essentially replaces Work Permit rules granted to workers in UK. Tier III: This fulfills the need of lower skilled requirement of workers to meet temporary shortages in the labour market. This has now been tilted in favour of EU migrants only. Tier IV: This specifies the needs of students who want to study in UK and get enriched with skill and knowledge. Tier V: This is a general category as per the agreement with other countries to allow youth mobility and purely as a temporary work permit. Skilled migration has played a pivotal role to keep economy of UK buoyant and competitive. Doctors, engineers, scientists, MBAs, fall under the category of highly skilled individuals who were encouraged to immigrate and remain in UK since 2002. The problem arose because government imposed a cap which affects migration in this c ategory. From April 2011, the Government has decided to impose a permanent restriction on skilled immigration replacing Tier 1 (General) category with a new 'exceptional talent' visa. Currently the Government has stopped accepting new applications from the people outside of the UK. (Highly Skilled†¦) There have been serious concerns on levels of immigration after the worldwide economic downturn in 2008. The UK imposed no cap on immigration from the previous Eastern Bloc Countries that joined the EU in 2004. There has been a significant growth in Eastern European migration at the expense of non EU migration. Total immigration between the year 2004 and 2010 can be observed in below mentioned illustration. Surprisingly, it was highest in the year 2005. The year 2009 and 2010 do not show any drastic increase in immigration population so as to make any serious concern and any unemployment issue for locals cannot be seen having any linkages to any increase in immigrant population. To tal long-term international migration estimates, UK, 2000–2010 Source: ONS, Long-Term International Migration Statistical Bulletin–Migration Statistics, Page 5 In fact, non EU migrants have got the biggest hit owing to Government efforts to quell public concerns over immigration. Because of the EU Law, government is not in a position to restrict immigration from EU Countries and what UK needs is the migration of highly skilled workers from non EU countries. The UK Government has declared a permanent ceiling of 21,700 on skilled immigration to be applicable in April 2011. Further, investors, entrepreneurs, and 'exceptionally talented' individuals will get entry under Tier 1 and Tier 2 will be restricted to graduate level occupations. Entrepreneurs and investors will have no restriction whatsoever that can come to the UK with certain net worth. It will be pertinent to note that in 2009, UK issued 50,000 visas to non-EU citizens under Tier 1 category. Present cap of 21,70 0 visas in the highly skilled category is a substantial cut if seen from the perspective of visas issued in the year 2009. Shortage of Skilled Workers It will be interesting to see what business leaders say about the shortage of skilled workers. Ignacio Galan, the owner of Scottish Power Ltd has shown apprehension that UK’s plan to improve power-generation and to embark on renewable energy projects will be seriously hampered by the shortage of engineers.

Technical Writing Fundamental Essay Example for Free

Technical Writing Fundamental Essay When evaluating the chosen manual several criteria were utilized which I believe are important elements in order for it to be effective see below. * Must be legible and easy to navigate through * The audience must be taken in consideration which means that it has to address all the needs of the audience * The instructions need to be easy to follow and have clarity to the intended audience. * It also must include background that the users can easily understand. * Correctness of the manual, punctuation, grammar. When accessing the manual for Pyle Pro (PWMA-230) operating instruction the first thing that sticks out in my observation is how readable the manual presents itself in a legible form that the reader can understand. The font’s size and style are appropriate for the manual this allows the reader little effort when viewing it which gives a better comprehension that makes it easily understood of the set of instructions. As it pertains to navigation of the manual there isn’t anything that is special or unique from many other manuals that you would see, just a matter of flipping the pages and following the explanation of what the equipment Intel’s. The manual I believe appears to address the intended audience needs appropriately. I take from the manual that the instructions are intended for average users of the amplifier who only want practical knowledge of how to operate the product. This manual describes the proper was of operating the amplifier without going into great detail and not allowing itself to have to get into a technical discussion that the user does not really care about anyway. As I read the manual one thing that really stuck out to me was the correctness of the manual there was the misspelled word â€Å"don’t†, throughout the â€Å"Remarks† section. Since this is an official document for the company its shows unprofessionalism by the preparer when they didn’t proofread to ensure that the correct grammar and punctuation was not utilized. The writer should know the correct rules or exactly what grammatical terms are expected to be used at all times. The background information about the product has many â€Å"don’t† that pertain to the products is very disappointing because of the misspelled word â€Å"don’t† which makes it a little harder to concentrate on what it is trying to convey to the reader. The warning to me are a little exhaustive with the exception of the dangers of opening the chassis or putting ones hand inside the chassis can be dangerous, the others are pretty much self- explanatory in my opinion. Throughout the manual it does include descriptions of the various amplifier components and diagrams of the product. Reference Manual link: http://www.retrevo.com/search/v2/jsp/mytrevo/myTrevo.jsp?page=man

The Giver :: essays research papers

The book The Giver by Louis Lowry is a very interesting book that everyone should take time to read. This book takes you through a community of people where everything has to be perfect. The story line is based around a boy named Jonas. Everyone in the community is assigned a job when they turn twelve and its Jonas turn to step up and get his job. This book is interesting because everything has to be perfect, Jonas gets the best job, and the adventure Jonas has to go through to save a new born child named Gabriel. In the book everyone and everything has to be perfect. If someone made a mistake they bring shame to there family and are released or kicked out of the community. One pilot had read his coordinates wrong and flew over the part f the community he wasn’t supposed to. The author states, â€Å"Needless To Say, He Will Be Released,† (2) This shows how strict the community was. Later on it the book Jonas receives his job as The Receiver of Memory. Since the community is perfect they never feel pain, pleasure, or can see any colors. Jonas’ job allows him to do all of the above and more. He must also keep the memories of the past. The author states, â€Å"Such a selection is very, very rare,† (60) which shows that getting that job is the community’s most honored position. Jonas after feeling the pain of death does not want Gabriel to die so he runs of with him. Jonas finally can see colors and knows what snow is and stuff like that. When he and Gabriel leave the community they are being searched by planed that detect body heat. To lower there body temperatures he used his memories of snow to cool them down. The author states, â€Å"Together they became cold; and when the planes were gone, they would shiver, holding each other, until sleep came again.

AIDS in World History

The epidemic of human immunodeficiency (HIV) virus causing acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) has transformed international history involving the emergence of social norms and stereotypes against Black races, homosexuals, and countries plagued by the disease (e.g. Africa, Thailand, etc.).Historically, the first convincing evidence of HIV virus and actual disease process of AIDS was found in the blood of an unknown man from Kinshasa, Africa in 1959 (Iliffe, 2007 p.311). Eventually, the infection reached the Western Nations initially in Los Angeles around June 1981 wherein a rare pulmonary Pneumocystis carinii was found infecting six cases with blood-borne HIV condition (Feigal, Levine and Biggar, 2000 p.1).By mid-1982, approximately 450 cases of HIV had been identified by CDC, and by the end of the year, an estimated case increase of 300 or more was received by the same organization (Finkel, 2007 p.89). The event marked the first AIDS epidemic creating a global stigma against races, demographics, countries and gender associated with the disease epidemiology (Parker and Aggleton, 2003).From 1982 to 1985, AIDS and HIV monitoring institutions were able to file an approximate 16,000 cases of HIV, while death toll caused by the disease had reached 8,100 for 1985 alone (Finkel, 2007 p.89). By the end of 2002, UNAIDS reported 42 million people with AIDS worldwide, while 25 million had already died of the infection (Porth, 2005 p.427).Due to the increasing number of infected population, AIDS had reshaped the world history by influencing the world’s views on countries, nations, and people responsible for the spread of the disease across the globe.I.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Discussiona.  Ã‚  Ã‚   Epidemiology and its International ImpactAIDS epidemic has kept on growing in its exponential rates since its marked discovery in June, 1981. In United States, AIDS epidemic rose from the 1985 Centers for Disease Control (CDC) records of 5,600 to 82,764 in 1989, 816,000 by the end of 2000, and UNAIDS records of 3.5 million by the end of 2002 (Porth, 2005 p.428; Patterson, 2005 p.179).In an international perspective, global AIDS prevalence among adults from 15 to 49 years old has increased from approximately 8.5 million in 1990 to 38.6 million in 2005, while African AIDS prevalence trend among the similar demographics has increased as well from 1.3 million in 1985 to 25 million as of 2005 (UNAIDS, 2006).According to Steinbrook (2004), there are nine countries that have the most number of HIV-infected demographics, and eight of these are from sub-Saharan Africa totaling to approximately 12 million individuals with AIDS. The country and race of African people have been severely affected by the global stereotypes and trauma against AIDS.According to Iliffe (2007), convincing trace of HIV-1 transmission has been detected in chimpanzees exclusive to the region of Kinshasa, while the ten subtypes of HIV-1 have been foun d in an early epidemic only within the equatorial Africa, which consequently suggests the viral origin of AIDS (p.311).The increasing international stigma over sub-Saharan Africa has affected the global ethnicities of blacks, African American and African immigrants in every part of the world (Steinbrook, 2004).According to the review study of Valdiserri (2002), race and ethnic groups associated with the groups dramatically affected by AIDS infection have experienced negative attitudes, prejudice, judgment and discrimination from the social public.b.  Ã‚  Ã‚   Global Trend of AIDS EpidemicThe complex hallmark of AIDS in World History involves the rising trend of social stigma against AIDS epidemic and demographics associated with the disease epidemiology (Steinbrook, 2004).According to the review study of Valdiserri (2002), series of national interviews from 1990s to 2000 reveals that the 1 out of 5 individuals living in the study sample (n=5,600 American adults) possess negative a ttitudes against races associated and patients with AIDS.According to Perloff (2001), the increasing trend of AIDS epidemic triggered various social prejudice and negative attitudes against various groups of individuals across the world. In mainland South Africa, women and children who obtained HIV becomes the social projection of rejection, prejudice and discrimination brought by the global stigma towards AIDS (Brown, Macintyre and Trujilo, 2003).In United States, African American or Blacks have been viewed negatively after the American public harbor more stigmatizing attitudes from sub-Sahara’s reported HIV infection, while in Thailand, social hostility towards prostitutes (e.g. police harassment, discrimination, etc.) are increasing   consistently (Perloff, 2001 p.130).According to Armstrong-Dailey and Zarbock (2001), the common impact of AIDS stigma on a global perspective is the development of social ostracism among families or patients who contracted with AIDS (p.119) .According to the study of Sudha, Vijay and Lakshmi (2005), 51.13% of the sample (n=800) felt the need to publicly denounce the names of AIDS patients for the public to avoid them, while 73.75% of the families interviewed prefer to keep AIDS condition among family relatives only.Discrimination brought by the public and even medical practitioners becomes the by-product of the worldwide stigma stimulated by the exponential growth rate of AIDS (Perloff, 2001 p.130).c.  Ã‚  Ã‚   Impact of AIDS in Future GenerationWith the continuous rising trend of AIDS population worldwide, social stigma of the general public against the race, demographics and individuals associated with the disease epidemiology is likely to increase causing global negative attitudes, fear and prejudice against their population (Armstrong-Dailey and Zarbock, 2001 p.119).Contrary to the above predictions, the study of Blower, Schwartz and Mills (2003), public stigma against AIDS patient may reduce depending on the inc reasing health awareness of the public regarding HIV prevention and patient management.Meanwhile, Piot, Bartos and Ghys et al. (2001) have predicted that the immediate future implications of AIDS epidemic in high stakes countries (e.g. South Africa, Thailand, U.S, etc.) are (a) the increase in medical expenditures of the country (e.g. predicted 45% in South Africa, etc.), (b) decreased of life expectancy (e.g. 59 y/o down to 45 y/o by 2005 in South Africa, etc.), and (c) reduced economic efficiency of the country’s economy.II.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   ConclusionFrom the localized outbreak of 1981 to the massive infection of 21st century, AIDS has dramatically affected the global trend of social perceptions and health care due to the global stigma caused by the exponential increases of AIDS epidemic.AIDS patients in globally known epidemic countries, such as South Africa, India, United States, Thailand, are predicted to suffer social ostracism wherein patien ts may fail to publicly seek AIDS medical treatment due to their fears of discrimination, persecution and inferior treatment.According to presented studies, the global effects of AIDS epidemic may increase the countries’ allocations for medical expenditures, and decrease the life expectancy of the general population.III.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   ReferencesArmstrong-Dailey, A., & Zarbock, S. F. (2001). Hospice Care for Children. New York, London: Oxford University Press US.Blower, S., Schwartz, E. J., & Mills, J. (2003, June). Forecasting the Future of HIV Epidemics: the Impact of Antiretroviral Therapies & Imperfect Vaccines. AIDS Reviews, 5, 113-125.Brown, L., Macintyre, K., & Trujillo, L. (2003, February). Interventions to Reduce HIV/AIDS Stigma: What Have We Learned?. AIDS Education and Prevention, 15, 49-69.Feigal, E. G., Levine, A. M., & Biggar, R. J. (2000). AIDS-related Cancers and Their Treatment. New York, U.S.A: Informa Health Care.Finkel, M. (2007). Truth, Lies, and Public Health: How We are Affected when Science and Politics Collide. New York, U.S.A: Greenwood Publishing Group.Iliffe, J. (2007). Africans: The History of a Continent. New York, London: Cambridge University Press.

Abigail Adams Chapter Guide

Haley Young Dearest Friend: A Life of Abigail Adams Reading Journal Chapter 1: A Minister’s Daughter * Abigail was born to Reverend William Smith and his wife Elizabeth in Weymouth parsonage in Massachusetts. * She has two sisters, Mary and Betsey. The main point of this chapter was to showcase the religious, family-oriented background that Abigail was raised in. It explains why she is so focused on her family and John later in her life. It also explains her penname â€Å"Diana† and her love for literature and being involved in politics, after being taught to read at a young age.Chapter 2: John * Abigail and John were married on October 25, 1764. The maim point of this chapter is to show the love developing between John and Abigail. The way they were not attracted to each other at first explains why they work together so well. They have different views on things so they balance each other out. Their love for each other also sets up their depression during their separati on later in their lives. Chapter 3: Wife and Mother * Abigail and John had six children: Abigail, John Quincy, Susanna, Charles, Thomas, and Elizabeth (stillborn).The main point of this chapter is to show the Adams family growing. Abigail’s deep connection to her kids at such a young age explains her sadness later on in her life when they are no longer with her, especially when her sons begin to leave home with their father to help with his politics and see the world. It also explains her connection to Nabby, since after Susanna and Elizabeth died young; Nabby was the only Adams daughter. Chapter 4: Politics * John elected representative to Massachusetts legislature, then later chosen as a delegate to the Continental Congress. Chapter 5: War Abigail had to raise her kids and deal with the family farm buy herself while John was away in Philadelphia. Chapter 6: Independence * Abigail used her influence over John to fight for women’s’ rights and representation duri ng the drafting of the Constitution. * John was elected commissioner to France. Chapter 7: A Woman’s Sacrifice * While John was away in Europe, Abigail once again had to run her household on her own, which put her into a depression. Chapter 8: The Long Separation * After his commission to France, John was elected minister plenipotentiary which extended his stay in Europe.Chapter 9: Years of Decision * While John was in Europe, Abigail couldn’t decide whether or not to join him, but when he was commissioned to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, she and Nabby decided to go and join him in Europe. * Nabby fell in love with Royall Tyler so the trip was also to see if their love would last. Chapter 10: Europe * Abigail liked London because of the class but disliked Paris because she thought it was dirty and the people were rude. * The servants did less in Europe, so it was more expensive to run a household ,which frustrated Abigail. John was then appointed m inister to London by congress. Chapter 11: â€Å"The Ambassadress† * Abigail was overwhelmed by the wealth of the royal court in London. * She and John were not used to the expenses of clothing, servants, and hosting dinners for other dignitaries. This was made even worse by the low salary John was being paid by Congress. Chapter 12: A Homesick American * In London, Abigail continued to miss American and her easy-going life in the countryside because she felt confined in the city in London.Chapter 13: The Vice President’s Lady * After Europe, Abigail was sure that she wanted her husband to continue his political career. * In March of 1779, John was elected Vice President, so the whole Adams family moved to New York to serve with George and Martha Washington, the new president and first lady. * Once again, like London, Abigail had many social obligations to fulfill as the second lady of the United States. * Congress then moved the capital city to Philadelphia, so once a gain the Adams family had to move.Chapter 14: An Interlude at Quincy * For John’s second term as Vice President, Abigail spent most of her time back in Braintree running the farm. * After her health scare while moving to Philadelphia, The Adams family didn’t want to risk her getting even more sick. * In 1796, George Washington announced he would not serve a third term as president, which made people speculate that John would succeed him. John would have to run against Thomas Jefferson in order to do so. Chapter 15: Mrs. President * John’s election made Abigail nervous.John was not as widely supported as Washington. * Abigail played a huge role in John’s presidency by expressing her opinions in politics, which was uncommon for a woman of the time. * While living in Philadelphia for John’s presidency, Abigail grew to enjoy the city. Chapter 16: â€Å"The Federal City†: * When John’s political career ended, Abigail returned to Quincy to a busy home full of her family. * Abigail soon set out for Washington, the new capital city, but when John was not reelected, they both returned.Chapter 17: The Matriarch of Peacefield * With both John and Abigail back in Quincy, Abigail took right back to being the matriarch of the house and taking care of her numerous grandchildren. * Abigail enjoyed having her husband always with her, and helping to raise her small grandchildren while in retirement. Chapter 18: The Curtain Falls * On October 28, 1817, Abigail died after falling ill with typhoid fever, at age 73. * Abigail was able to die peacefully with most of her family around her.

The Poor American Child

The Poor American Child Free Online Research Papers Child poverty is an alarming problem in the United States that affects every person in the United States, regardless of economic status, age, race, or gender. In 2001, 11.7 million children, or 16.3 % of children in the United States were poor. Children represent an inconsistent percentage of the poor population in America. They make up 35.7 percent of the poor, but only account for 25.6 percent of the general population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). It is imperative to give attention to the problem of poverty among children since they are the future of the country, and they are not receiving the support, resources, or encouragement to know they deserve better. â€Å"The industrial countries in the world have a higher standard of living than at any time in history, but within the wealthy countries, there are still a number of children who live in poverty. The United States, which is the wealthiest country of six studied, had the highest poverty rate among children and the second highest poverty rate among families with children† (Smeeding, 1988). The focus population of this analysis of child poverty is children in the United States under 18 years of age. This analysis will discuss the definition, history, trends, and policy responses of child poverty, as well as the nature and extent of how child poverty is affecting the United States. Unlike single adults, who are defined as poor when their income falls below a certain level, children, those individuals under age 18, are poor when their families are poor. The Census Bureau maintains the official U.S. definition of poverty: a family is poor when their money income falls below an established threshold. Poverty thresholds are updated yearly and different thresholds apply depending on the total family size and number of children. In 2002, a family of two adults and two children was considered poor if their income falls below $18,244 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). It is not difficult to document that poor children suffer a disproportionate share of deprivation, hardship, and bad outcomes. Not only do poor children have access to fewer material goods than rich or middle-class children, but also they are more likely to experience poor health and to die during childhood. In school, they score lower on standardized tests and are more likely to be retained in grade and to drop out. Poor teens are more likely to have out-of-wedlock births and to experience violent crime. Finally, persistently poor children are more likely to end up as poor adults. Public concern for poor children has focused both on their material well-being and on the relationship between poverty and important child outcomes that the public values such as success in school. However, accurately measuring the effects of poverty on many important child outcomes is a challenge. Despite the evidence that poor children experience undesirable outcomes across a wide variety of signs, many studies lack the precision needed to untangle the effects on children of the array of factors other than low income associated with poverty. For example, poor families are more likely to be headed by a parent who is young, single, has low educational attainment, is unemployed, and has low earnings potential. These parental attributes, separately or in combination, may account for some of the observed negative consequences of poverty for children. In addition, the population of poor families is a mix of families who are temporarily poor and families who have experienced chronic hardship. Although the majority of poor families are only temporarily poor, the experiences of the persistently poor fit better the stereotype of an underclass trapped in concentrated poverty neighborhoods, beset by high crime rates, poor schools, substance abuse, and other social pathologies. Failure to take account of the differences in the duration of poverty children experience may lead to either an under- or overestimate of the effects of poverty on children. Understanding the relationships among income, other parental characteristics, community factors, and environmental hazards and child outcomes is important to designing effective policies to ameliorate the problems of poor children. Programs that alter family income may not have intended benefits for children if the importance of family income has been misinterpreted. Public policy for poor families with children is currently unstable. As a result of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA), Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), commonly called â€Å"welfare,† is being replaced by Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), a new cash assistance program. From 1935 through 1996, AFDC was the main cash assistance program for children under age 18 and their parents or caretaker relatives. AFDC assisted more than nine million children annually in recent years. AFDC targeted children who lacked financial support because one parent was absent from home, incapacitated, dead, or unemployed. AFDC was an entitlement: all families who met eligibility rules received benefits. PRWORA ended entitlement to welfare and gave each state more flexibility in designing eligibility rules and benefit packages. TANF benefits are time-limited (five years is the lifetime maximum time for which an adult may receive federally financed benefits, with 20% of the caseload in each state exempt from that maximum), and require recipients to work after two years. (States are, however, free to impose shorter time limits and to provide more than five years of benefits if they use their own funds.) Benefits to unmarried parents under age 18 are restricted, and benefits for most legal immigrants are eliminated. The publicly avowed purpose of PRWORA was to reform U.S. welfare policy so as to break what was seen as a cycle of dependency on welfare by poor single-parent families and to encourage parents in these families to find jobs, take more responsibility for their children, and gain increased independence and self-reliance. Taken in historical context, the current effort to â€Å"end welfare as we know it† is only the latest in a series of shifts in U.S. public policy toward the poor. One explanation for the cause of shifts in poverty policy over time is that American public opinion swings between alternative perspectives on the underlying source of disadvantage for poor children. These perspectives have also found expression in the research on the effects of poverty on children and child outcomes. One viewpoint holds that parents poor characters, or limited physical and mental capacities, lead to both poverty and problems for their children. The other perspective emphasizes the adverse impact on children of material deprivation and parental stress caused by poverty. In the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, the former view led to such policies as almshouses, orphan asylums, foster care placements, and intrusive and strict supervision of single mothers who received public support to take c are of their own children in their own homes. In response to the widespread unemployment and deep poverty experienced during the Great Depression, emphasis shifted away from shielding children from the behavior of their parents to improving the material well-being of families and children by providing direct cash assistance. From the 1930s to the late 1960s, restrictions on the availability of cash support to poor families (especially single-parent, female-headed ones) were reduced, and AFDC caseloads grew from 162,000 families in 1936 to 1,875,000 families in 1969. Attitudes toward poor families with children have changed again in the past 30 years. The large increase in the proportion of married mothers who work contributed to the view that employment was acceptable and expected behavior for mothers. This change in social norms, coupled with concerns that welfare discouraged work and encouraged sloth and dependency, led to a decline in support for cash welfare programs. As support for cash welfare programs eroded over the past 30 years, a set of programs to provide for the basic needs of the poor through in-kind rather than cash benefits evolved. The largest of these programs focused on families are the Food Stamp Program, federally subsidized housing programs, Medicaid, the Special Supplemental Food Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC), and Head Start. The latter three programs can provide benefits directly to children without providing for their parents as do the school lunch and breakfast programs. The problems of poverty in the United States have proven to be persistent and difficult to solve. This analysis has focused on policies that have the potential to improve, but not necessarily eliminate, the problems of poverty for a large number of children in the United States. Where children are involved, it is hard to overestimate the value of short-run solutions. Five years is a long time in the development of a young child. More could be done over a longer time horizon for poor children and their parents, and to address the conditions that lead to child poverty. For example, single-parenthood and declining wages for poorly educated adults, key factors in the growth in child poverty in recent years, have been hard problems to solve. Policies to reduce childbearing among single young women and to upgrade the job skills of working-age adults might reverse or, at least, slow the upward trend in child poverty. Similarly, programs to improve parenting skills and the home environment, boost the quality of child care and schools, and assure safe environments would benefit poor children. â€Å"Lifting all of Americas children securely from poverty will require more vigilance, and more funding, than the nation now invests. It will also require extending income supplements and incentives for parents to work. To move from welfare to work, parents need support services such as child care, job training, and transportationservices that traditional welfare recipients do not need. Fortunately, thanks to unexpectedly healthy economies in most states, along with federal funding that remains frozen at each states pre-1996 level, unused money for this purpose abounds for now, and good models for rescuing children from poverty are not hard to find† (Sherman, 1999). Although there may be some truth to the old adage that â€Å"the poor will always be with us,† the evidence suggests that the problems of poor children can be made tractable. It will be necessary to move steadily ahead but also to take time to evaluate progress and modify the course as warranted by the evidence. In the face of fiscal constraints, it may be necessary to set priorities. Prioritization may also be a reasonable strategy. This would suggest a focus on subsidized child care and expanded health insurance to support welfare reform and attention to strengthening the safety net. Finally, expectations should be kept realistic, if not modest, particularly if only a limited child poverty policy agenda can be attempted. Observation of the current political scene suggests that distrust in government and the feeling that nothing works are reactions to unrealistic expectations created by the overselling of previous programs by their promoters and an overemphasis on their shortcomings by those who advocate change. References Handsnet. (14 August 1995). U.S. poor are among world’s poorest. The New York Times. Retrieved Saturday, October 6, 2007 from http://pangaea.org/street_children/americas/poor.htm Sherman, A. (Winter 1999). Childrens poverty in America. Forum for Applied Research and Public Policy, 14, 4. p.68. Retrieved Sunday, October 07, 2007, from General OneFile via Gale: http://find.galegroup.com/ips/start.do?prodId=IPS Smeeding, T. Torrey, B. (Nov 11, 1988). Poor children in rich countries. Science, 242, n4880. p.873(5). Retrieved Saturday, October 06, 2007, from General OneFile via Gale: http://find.galegroup.com/ips/start.do?prodId=IPS U.S. Census Bureau. (2003). Poverty thresholds. Retrieved Saturday, October 06, 2007 from census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/threshld/thresh03.html Research Papers on The Poor American ChildInfluences of Socio-Economic Status of Married MalesPersonal Experience with Teen PregnancyPETSTEL analysis of IndiaThe Effects of Illegal ImmigrationEffects of Television Violence on ChildrenStandardized Testing19 Century Society: A Deeply Divided EraHip-Hop is ArtRelationship between Media Coverage and Social andComparison: Letter from Birmingham and Crito

Autobiography of a Yogi: Summary Essay

quite different from his or her own. The journey to assimilation is portrayed uniquely by Okada as he writes his character in ways different from other writers of whom are portraying Asian Americans at this time. In an article, written by Mr. Stan Yogi, ‘You had to be One or the Other: Oppositions and Reconciliation in John Okada’s No-no Boy,’ it is stated that Asian Americans are often portrayed as ‘docile, patient’ peoples. Many of Okada’s characters do not feature these qualities; they are often†¦ and now he’ll shrivel up like a prune if you let him. With any luck, I’ll have him holding his own fishing pole by this spring, and I’ve already got my eyes on a little pair of water skis. Who knows, maybe 20 years from now, he’ll be writing an autobiography about how growing up on the water help shape his life too.†¦ been his way of showing that you go out with a fight because of the way he ends his Autobiography. Franklin showed his successful stand against the proprietary estate holders against the tax law. Most men would not end their autobiography on the terms of a won fight like this unless they were boasting; even if a little. Conclusion The life carved out for Benjamin Franklin through the words of his autobiography is a portrait of a man who started out with self-acclaim and pridefulness that all†¦ Wherever There’s a Fight by Elaine Elinson and Stan Yogi, is a book that narrows down the struggles of man and woman of all colors to protect and extend their civil rights liberties. It provides stories of events in history that marked the lives of many people.The stories described in the book show how many people were being discriminated for the way they looked, the disability they had, their sexualaty for being black, latino, or Japanese. It gives the reader an image of all the injustices and†¦ Bam, Quay, Dino, and Yogi rode through the city for hours searching for the Hurst and eventually they gave up in order to get some rest. Intoxicated and tired, Bam drove everyone to the apartment and that’s where they crashed until the sun rose. Nessa and Olivia had stayed up worried sick about them and finally they could put their mind at rest. Now, for a chance, everyone in the house had finally fallen asleep. Nessa slept on the lounge chair as usual. Quay, Yogi, and Dino fell asleep on the floor†¦ race, gender or beliefs. Gandhi: An Autobiography and The Help portray multiple insights of the world in the 1900’s compared to modern day society. Social justice is a major theme in The Help and Gandhi: An Autobiography. In these two books we see how society can be a cruel mistress. How people of different races are treated throughout time and how the main characters never give up on hope for a better future in our community. In Gandhi: An Autobiography and The Help, the social aspect of†¦ Sexual Autobiography Shaping my sexual behavior was generally influenced by my mom. I learned to be dependent on men and use safe sex through media. Gender sex roles also placed me to be secretive with my sex life and nurturing. My body image makes me insecure when it comes to intimacy. There were no specific sexual guidelines that my family made me follow. I was raised in a family where I was able to explore and have my own opinions about sexual situations. Not having guidelines or a path made†¦ worth writing and then wrote about it in his autobiography. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin by Benjamin Franklin is a different beast in its literature. Unlike most books, and possibly most autobiographies as well, Franklin’s autobiography does not have a smooth flow between his three sections. These abrupt transition could be accounted for by the many years of break Franklin took in between each section. The overall theme for Franklin’s autobiography is for one to become self developing. As Franklin†¦ The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin was not an easy book to read. Writing styles have changed tremendously since the 1700’s. Despite the cultural differences I learned a lot about the man and the time. Benjamin Franklin was a remarkable man. He was a printer, author, politician and an inventor. He was one of fifteen children in his family. Because he was from such a large family he was sent out to work at a very early age. He only had a few years†¦ From an Electrician to a Teacher: An Autobiography â€Å"The heart of human excellence often begins to beat when you discover a pursuit that absorbs you, frees you, challenges you, and gives you a sense of joy, meaning and passion.† – Angel Chernoof* I firmly believe that to be successful and flourish in education and childhood learning, your heart must lead you to this passion – as my heart did a year ago. Coming out of high school, my dreams were far beyond teaching and spending a lifetime discovering†¦